The Scottish Government has published its plan for Brexit, which
amounts to a massive shopping list of further devolved powers, so much that there
would be nothing left for Westminster or Whitehall. A possible exception is
defence, on which the Scottish National Party (SNP) violently disagrees with
the UK government. The choice it offers is independence in name or independence
called something else.
Its preferred option for Scotland is independence from the
United Kingdom and membership of the EU, though it is scarcely expanded on.
This is despite the implication of the application for Article 50 TEU finally
destroying the fiction of an EU membership route via Article 48 TEU. The only
mechanism after Article 50 had been invoked would thus appear to be accession
via Article 49 TEU, which might take several years, indeed the application would
probably not be possible until independence had been completed (i.e., after a referendum and full transfer
of powers). For the present, the polls suggest that a referendum on
independence would fail. The effects for telecommunications are an entirely new
system of governance, with ministry and policies, regulatory authority and
market analyses, appellate body and parliamentary oversight committee, with new
licences for all operators.
Its second best option is for the UK to remain in the EEA,
the famous ‘Norway option’. This is so close to the status quo as to require
little comment, other than that it seems hardly to be Brexit at all. For the
purposes of telecommunications the effects are limited, primarily downgrading
of the United Kingdom from an influential player in the European Parliament and
Council to being a registered lobbyist. It would also be downgraded in the
European regulatory networks (ERNs).
Its third best option, and much the most convoluted, is for
the UK to leave the EU and for Scotland to join (or remain) in the European
Economic Area (EEA) and European Union Customs Union (EUCU). The required
devolution of powers to Scotland looks like dominion status or the Irish Free
State (Eire). For telecommunications it requires splitting the single UK
market, including all existing licences, and the creation of a new regulatory
authority and system of appeals. It would also require a Scottish competition
authority. The issue of data protection is more complex, but should the UK vary
its regime from the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), then moving
personal data between Scotland and England (e.g., within a bank or supermarket
chain) would seem to require some special legal framework. This proposal looks
contrived, supported by references to the treaty status of the Channel Islands,
Faroe Islands (Føroyar), Liechtenstein, and Spitsbergen.
No attempt was made to consider how long it would take to
put in place the necessary legislation and institutions for the options. In
particular, there would be an increase in workload for the Scottish Parliament,
perhaps doubling or tripling its present activities.
References
Ewan Sutherland (2013) “Independence and the regulatory
state - Telecommunications in Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom” Telecommunications Policy 37 (11) 1046-1059.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.telpol.2013.02.002
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.telpol.2013.02.002
Ewan Sutherland (2017) “The implications of Brexit for the
governance of telecommunications markets in the United Kingdom” Digital Policy, Regulation and Governance,
in press
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http://www.emeraldinsight.com/loi/info
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